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Nicky Nielsen · mercantile networks

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Research Note
                                                                                          IJMH
                                                                             International Journal of Maritime
                                                                                                       History
Mercantile networks and the                                                         2024, Vol. 36(2) 313–324
                                                                                       © The Author(s) 2024
export of antiquities from
Egypt in the mid nineteenth                                                          Article reuse guidelines:
                                                                            sagepub.com/journals-permissions

century: A case study of                                                   DOI: 10.1177/08438714241226841
                                                                               journals.sagepub.com/home/ijh

Menkaure’s sarcophagus and
the Beatrice


Nicky Nielsen
University of Manchester, UK




Abstract
The export of antiquities from Egypt to the United Kingdom during the mid nineteenth
century required an extensive network of cultural, diplomatic and mercantile actors,
including private shipowners. While much previous research has focused on the political
stakeholders in the process, as well as the archaeologists conducting excavations in
Egypt, the attempted export of Menkaure’s sarcophagus from Giza to the British
Museum in 1838 allows for a closer examination of one of the private shipowners
who was involved in this process – namely, Captain Richard Mayle Whichelo of the mer-
chant vessel Beatrice. This article investigates the diplomatic processes that were
required for the export of the sarcophagus and provides an overview of the history
of the Beatrice and of Captain Whichelo, placing this within the broader context of
the transport of antiquities during the nineteenth century.

Keywords
Ancient Egypt, archaeology, export of antiquities, Giza, maritime commerce



Colonel Vyse at Giza
The export of antiquities from Egypt to various western private and public collections
began in earnest following the surrender of the French forces at Alexandria in 1802.

Corresponding author:
Nicky Nielsen, Department of Classics, Ancient History, Archaeology and Egyptology, University of
Manchester, Samuel Alexander Building S2.17, Manchester, M13 9PL, UK.
Email: nicky.nielsen@manchester.ac.uk
314                                            International Journal of Maritime History 36(2)

This surrender, in turn, led to an influx of ancient Egyptian artefacts to the British
Museum (including the Rosetta Stone).1 The appointment of ardent collectors such as
Henry Salt and Bernadino Drovetti to posts in, respectively, the British and French dip-
lomatic services in Egypt,2 as well as the organization of state-sponsored expeditions to
Egypt to secure ancient artefacts for national collections (such as the Lepsius Expedition
in 1842),3 led to a significant increase in ancient Egyptian artefacts being exported to
Europe during the first half of the nineteenth century.
   While much scholarship has focused on the excavators or collectors working in
Egypt,4 there has been less analysis of the private shipowners who provided key logistical
support for the export of Egyptian artefacts. The attempted export of the newly uncovered
sarcophagus of the Fourth Dynasty Egyptian ruler Menkaure in 1838 provides a signifi-
cant case study for addressing this aspect of the historical antiquities trade. Not only are
the political and diplomatic actions that led to the export of the sarcophagus well evi-
denced, but the vessel used for the export of the sarcophagus, the Beatrice, as well as
her captain are also associated with a great deal of archival material.
   The attempted export of the sarcophagus of Menkaure begins with its discovery. Its dis-
coverer, Richard William Howard Vyse (1784–1853), did not originally arrive in Egypt with
the expectation of undertaking archaeological excavations. Rather, the notion of Vyse con-
ducting archaeological exploration while in Egypt was raised with him by Charles Sloane,
the chancellor of the British consulate in Cairo and vice consul in Alexandria.5 Sloane had
worked in Egypt for more than a decade, during which time he had engaged with archaeol-
ogists, such as the noted Scottish Egyptologist Robert Hay (1799–1863) in 1824, and arch-
aeological excavations.6 Sloane proposed a cooperation between himself, Vyse and the
consul general, Patrick Campbell (1779–1857).


 1.   See Emily Duthie, ‘The British Museum: An Imperial Museum in a Post-Imperial World’, Public
      History Review, 18 (2011), 12–25; Richard Parkinson, The Rosetta Stone (London, 2005).
 2.   Shadia Mahmoud, ‘Nationalization and Personalization of the Egyptian Antiquities: Henry
      Salt a British General Consul in Egypt, 1816 to 1827’, International Journal of Culture
      and History, 3, No. 2 (2016), 29–43; Holger Hoock, ‘The British State and the
      Anglo-French Wars over Antiquities, 1798–1858’, Historical Journal, 50, No. 1 (2007),
      49–72; Donald Malcolm Reid, Whose Pharaohs? Archaeology, Museums, and Egyptian
      National Identity from Napoleon to World War I (Berkeley, 2002).
 3.   Christian Loeben, ‘Karl Richard Lepsius and the Royal Prussian Expedition to Egypt (1842–
      1845/6)’, in Vanessa Davies and Dimitri Laboury, eds., The Oxford Handbook of Egyptian
      Epigraphy and Palaeography (Oxford, 2020), 243–56.
 4.   See Alice Stevenson, ‘Artefacts of Excavation: The British Collection and Distribution of
      Egyptian Finds to Museums, 1880–1915’, Journal of the History of Collections, 26, No. 1
      (2014), 89–102; Alice Stevenson, Egyptian Archaeology and the Twenty-First Century
      Museum (Cambridge, 2022); Stephanie Moser, Wondrous Curiosities: Ancient Egypt at the
      British Museum (Chicago, 2006); Sally MacDonald and Catherine Shaw, ‘Uncovering
      Ancient Egypt: The Petrie Museum and Its Public’, in Nick Merriman, ed., Public
      Archaeology (Routledge, 2004), 123–45.
 5.   John Bowring, Report on Egypt and Canada, vol. 6 (London, 1840), 81.
 6.   Jason Thompson, ‘Osman Effendi: A Scottish Convert to Islam in Early Nineteenth-Century
      Egypt’, Journal of World History, 5, No. 1 (1994), 105.
Nielsen                                                                                      315

Finding the sarcophagus of Menkaure
During the spring and summer of 1837, Vyse and his excavators worked all across
the Giza plateau, including around the Pyramid of Menkaure, where explorations
began on 31 May 1837. On 1 August 1837, Vyse and his colleagues reached the
burial chamber of the pyramid, although, as evidenced by the Arabic graffiti in
the chamber, they were by no means the first post-pharaonic people to have
visited it.7 Undoubtedly, the most significant of the finds in the burial chamber
was the basalt sarcophagus of Menkaure himself, which Vyse described in great
detail.8
   According to Vyse’s own memoires, he decided to send the sarcophagus of
Menkaure to the British Museum, allegedly to prevent damage to the artefact
should it remain in situ.9 Vyse established contact with Edward Hawkins, the
Keeper of Antiquities at the British Museum, on 16 January 1838 by letter, suggesting
to him that the sarcophagus would make a good addition to the British Museum’s col-
lections. The following day, Hawkins wrote a letter to Josiah Forshall, the Keeper of
the Manuscript Department at the British Museum.10 Hawkins warmly supported
Vyse’s notion that the sarcophagus should be moved from Giza to Alexandria, and
from there be shipped to the United Kingdom without delay, arguing that the sar-
cophagus was an ‘interesting monument’ that would enhance the Museum’s collec-
tions (Figure 1).
   On the basis of Hawkins’ recommendation, the trustees of the British Museum,
meeting on 27 January 1838, directed the committee secretary to accept the donation
and instruct the consul general, Patrick Campbell, via the Foreign Office to arrange its
transport.11 The board of trustees also authorized the expenses of £150 for the transport
of the sarcophagus from Giza to London.



 7. Richard William Howard Vyse, Operations Carried on at the Pyramids of Gizeh in
    1837: With an Account of a Voyage into Upper Egypt and an Appendix, vol. 2
    (London, 1840), 77.
 8. ‘It was entirely empty, and composed of basalt, which bore a fine polish of a shaded brown
    colour, but was blue where it had been chipped off, or broken. Some sharp substance, such as
    emery powder, had been used in its construction, and it appeared to have been sawn, which is
    remarkable, as the art of sawing marble was not known at Rome till a late period. It was finely
    carved in compartments, and the ornaments upon it resembled in some degree the architec-
    tural decorations in the tomb of Numbers, and those carved upon two blocks of stone now
    exhibited in the British Museum, and which formerly belonged to the collection of the late
    Mr. Salt’ (Vyse, Operations, 84).
 9. ‘As the sarcophagus would have been destroyed, had it remained in the pyramid, I resolved to
    send it to the British Museum’ (Vyse, Operations, 83).
10. Central Archives, British Museum, personal communication, 22 November 2022.
11. ‘[A]ccept with the best thanks of the Trustees Colonel Vyse’s offer, and having consulted that
    Gentleman as to the spot where the sarcophagus lies, and then best and most economical
    method of conveying it to England, to write through Lord Palmerston to Colonel Campbell
    requesting him to take such steps not involving any serious expense as were expedient for
316                                                   International Journal of Maritime History 36(2)




Figure 1. Sketch of the sarcophagus found in the burial chamber of the Pyramid of Menkaure.
Source. Richard William Howard Vyse, Operations Carried on at the Pyramids of Gizeh in 1837: With an Account of
a Voyage into Upper Egypt and an Appendix, vol. 2 (London, 1840), 85.



   Less than two weeks later, on 17 February 1838, John Bidwell, the superintendent of
the Consular Service, wrote on behalf of Lord Palmerston, the foreign secretary, directly
to Campbell in Alexandria, instructing him to organize the transport of the sarcophagus



      the removal of the sarcophagus.’ British Museum, ‘Board of Trustees Standing Committee’,
      vol. 16 (1838), 4697–8.
Nielsen                                                                                    317

and the relevant firman for its export from the Egyptian government12 – a requirement
following the passing of the first law aimed at preventing the export of antiquities
from Egypt in 1835.13 On 18 May 1838, Campbell replied to Lord Palmerston’s
instructions:

   My Lord, In reply to Your Lordship’s Consular No. 3 of 17th February, on the subject of the
   transport from Gizeh to Alexandria and from thence to England of a sarcophagus presented
   by Col. Vyse to the British Museum, I have the honour to state to Your Lordship that I have
   taken the necessary steps for that purpose and that Mr Hill, one of the persons mentioned by
   Col. Vyse as qualified to superintend the transport of the Sarcophagus has undertaken to
   convey it to Alexandria for the sum of £150. I have the honour to transmit to Your
   Lordship the copy of the contract of Mr Hill for the removal of the sarcophagus to
   Alexandria.

Campbell did note, however, that the transport of the sarcophagus to Alexandria
could not be conducted until later in the summer, and its export to England not
until August at the earliest. Campbell finished his letter by stating: ‘I have procured
the permission of the Pacha with a Firman for the exportation to England of the
Sarcophagus’.14 Aside from this mention, no evidence of this export permit has
survived.
   The transport of the sarcophagus from Giza to Alexandria had been accomplished
by the end of the summer, and from there the final leg of its journey would be a
voyage by sea. For this stage of the transportation, Campbell or one of his deputies
contacted a British merchant sailor already in Alexandria, and even though no con-
tract or letters between these two individuals have survived, a letter from Campbell
to Josiah Forshall at the British Museum, dated July 1838, confirms that the vessel
hired for the transport of the sarcophagus to the United Kingdom was the
Beatrice, which was owned and commanded by Captain Richard Mayle Whichelo
(Figure 2).15

12. ‘Sir, I am directed by Viscount Palmerston to transmit to you copies of a letter … from the
    British Museum, requesting that you may be instructed to take charge of a sarcophagus
    which has been presented to the Museum by Colonel Howard Vyse, and to forward it to
    England, and I am to desire that you will follow in this request the directions contained in
    the accompanying papers.’ National Archives Kew,, FO 141/4, Consular No. 3, 17th of
    February 1838. The letter also suggests in a further paragraph that the British Museum,
    through the medium of Josiah Forshall, communicate this request directly to Lord
    Palmerston, highlighting the significant political influence of the British Museum trustees
    and management at the time.
13. See Stevenson, ‘Artefacts of Excavation’, 89–90.
14. National Archives, FO 142/10, Consular No. 12, 18 May 1838.
15. ‘I beg to inform you that the sarcophagus taken by Colonel Vyse out of the 3d. Pyramid at
    Ghizeh, and which in your letter to Viscount Palmerston of 7 February last you requested
    His Lordship to instruct me to send to England, has this day been embarked on board of
    the English ship the Beatrice, bound for Liverpool and London.’ Paul Boughton, ‘The
    Lost Sarcophagus’, Ancient Egypt Magazine 51/9 (2009), 20–23, 22.
318                                                 International Journal of Maritime History 36(2)




Figure 2. Miniature painting of Richard Mayle Whichelo.
Source. King’s College Archive Centre, Cambridge.



Shipping the sarcophagus
The Beatrice was built in Quebec in 1827 by the shipwright John Bell,16 and first owned
by a Mr Evans, about whom no further information is preserved.17 The Beatrice remained
in the ownership of Mr Evans until 1834,18 when she was purchased by Richard Mayle
Whichelo, who had already functioned as her captain since at least 1830.19 While the



16. This information is based on a Lloyd’s of London inspection of the Beatrice conducted on 21
    July 1835 while the ship was docked in Liverpool. The ship is registered as a snow, weighing
    224 tons, built in Quebec in 1827 and registered in the Port of London, though sailing between
    Liverpool and Alexandria. The report concludes that the Beatrice was, at inspection, ‘[a] well
    built vessel. Materials appear good and well fastened. Well found in good order fit to carry dry
    and general cargoes with perfect safety’, Lloyd’s Register Foundation LRF-PUN-LIV573-
    0032-R.
17. The Register of Shipping for 1829 (London, 1829), 78; The Register of Shipping for 1830
    (London, 1830), 75; The Register of Shipping for 1831 (London, 1831), 73; The Register
    of Shipping for 1832 (London, 1832), 76.
18. The Register of Shipping for 1834 (London, 1834), 87.
19. ‘Newcastle: Arrived foreign – Beatrice, Whichelo [from] Alexandria’, Durham County
    Advertiser, 3 December 1830.
Nielsen                                                                                         319

Beatrice initially ran a route between London and the Caribbean,20 Whichelo sailed her
primarily between the ports of Liverpool and Alexandria, calling at a number of locations
between the two – most commonly La Valletta on Malta,21 but also Gravesend, Milford,
Cardiff, Genoa, Istanbul and Civito Vecchia.22
   In terms of cargo, the Beatrice mostly transported cotton from Alexandria to
Liverpool during the latter half of the 1830s, but as is clear from an advertisement
in the Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser published on 1
September 1837, the ship also transported other goods. The advertisement announces
a sale of goods imported on the Beatrice from Alexandria, which include ‘1023 bales
cotton … 6 cases natural history. 1 case saddles … 1 case natural history … about 15
tons Cyprus earth, 3 tons old junk … 1 box samples gum … 4 jars preserves … 8 bales
ginger’. The reference to cases of ‘natural history’ could potentially include ancient
artefacts,23 and so it is possible that Captain Whichelo already had experience trans-
porting artefacts from Egypt to the United Kingdom by the time he was approached to
convey the sarcophagus of Menkaure in 1838. The nineteenth-century import of
ancient Egyptian artefacts alongside other trade goods reflects the prevailing

20. The primary route of the Beatrice is listed as London to either Nevis or St. Kitts in The
    Register of Shipping from 1829 to 1831. From 1832 to 1833, the route is changed from
    London to Malta.
21. See, for instance, ‘Deal, 8 [June], Beatrice, Whichelo [sailed for] Malta’, Lloyd’s List, 13 June
    1834; ‘Beatrice, Whichelo, from Alexandria at Malta 20th March and sailed 22nd for
    Liverpool’, Lancaster Gazette, 18 April 1835; ‘Cove of Cork: … The Beatrice, Whichelo
    arrived here, sailed from Malta on the 8th of April’, Public Ledger and Daily Advertiser, 6
    June 1836; ‘Beatrice, Whichelo, from Alexandria at [Malta] 24th March and sailed 27th
    for this port (e.g. Liverpool)’, Liverpool Standard and General Commercial Advertiser, 28
    April 1837.
22. See ‘Gravesend, Sept 3 and 4 … Arrived … Beatrice, Whichelo [from] Malta’, Morning
    Advertiser, 6 September 1831; ‘Beatrice, Whichelo, from Alexandria (Egypt) … for this
    port, at Milford’, Liverpool Albion, 19 May 1835; ‘Cardiff: Foreign Entered Outwards …
    Beatrice, Whichelo, for Alexandria’, Cardiff and Merthyr Guardian, Glamorgan,
    Monmouth, and Brecon Gazette, 5 September 1835; ‘Genoa: 29 [September], Beatrice,
    Whichelo, from Liverpool’, Morning Advertiser, 10 October 1836; ‘Constantinople:
    [December] 16 Beatrice, Whichelo [arrived from] Liverpool and sailed 17th for London’,
    Lloyd’s List, 14 January 1834; ‘Civito Vecchia, Beatrice, Whichelo [arrived from]
    Liverpool’, Lloyd’s List, 18 January 1838.
23. The cargo of the Beatrice and in particular the inclusion of perceived ‘typical’ oriental
    imports, such as ginger and cotton alongside boxes of natural history curios, is noteworthy
    in the context of both the long-standing link between antiquities and specimens of natural
    history – see this link in the collections of Napoleon’s savants in Egypt in Maya Jasanoff,
    Edge of Empire: Lives, Culture and Conquest in the East 1750–1850 (New York, 2005) –
    and the perspective of important ancient artefacts as essentially a kind of luxury trade com-
    modity, not at all unakin to spices or other rare foodstuffs. See Grant Parker, ‘Narrating
    Monumentality: The Piazza Navona Obelisk’, Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology, 16,
    No. 2 (2003), 203; Carla Bocchetti, ‘Introduction: Global History, Geography and the
    Classics’, Global History, East Africa and the Classical Traditions, Special Issue of Les
    Cahiers d’Afrique de l’Est, 51 (2016), 9–10.
320                                            International Journal of Maritime History 36(2)

contemporary view that antiquities were in themselves trade goods, and sometimes,
although not always, they were perceived as a luxury good. A prime example of
this dichotomous view is the arrival of several tons of mummified cats at the port
of Liverpool on 4 February 1890 on board the steamship Pharos.24 While some of
the mummified cats were sold ‘for fancy prices, such as 40 s [shillings] 6d [pence]
for a head and 5 s 6d for a perfect body without the head’ to local collectors and
learned institutions,25 the majority of the mummies were ‘knocked down to Messrs
Leventon and Co’ to be ground up and utilized as fertilizer.26
   Richard Mayle Whichelo was born in 1783 in Sussex and was the older brother of
the painters John and Henry Mayle Whichelo.27 He served first as a midshipman in
1804 on board HMS Britannia during the Napoleonic Wars, before being appointed
to the position of ship’s clerk. He took part in the Battle of Trafalgar on board the
Britannia in 1805 and, in 1807, received a promotion to paymaster and purser on
board the 26-gun sloop-of-war HMS Egeria. On board the Egeria, he participated
in action in the North Sea and Baltic Sea, including an 1809 engagement with a
Danish convoy that resulted in the capture of four Danish vessels.28 Whichelo’s
movements between 1815 and 1830 are somewhat unclear. An advertisement from
1822 records him as the captain of the Dash, a brig lying at anchor at Irongate
wharf in London and headed for Sicily.29 Six years later, Whichelo served as
captain on board the Borneo, a convict ship that transported 73 female prisoners
from London to Hobart,30 before first being attested as the captain of the Beatrice
in 1830. During the 1830s, two of Whichelo’s sons also worked with him on the
Beatrice as the ship’s first mate and second mate.31
   The Beatrice left her home port of Liverpool for the last time on 28 November 1837,
setting a course for the Italian port of Civito Vecchia.32 She arrived in Italy on 18 January



24. Chris Elliott, ‘Bandages, Bitumen, Bodies and Business: Egyptian Mummies as Raw
    Materials’, Aegyptiaca, 1 (2017), 40.
25. Winfield Tribune, 7 March 1890.
26. Chester Observer, 15 February 1890.
27. This part of the Whichelo family were the ancestors of the noted British author E. M. Forster
    and are discussed in his Commonplace Book (ed. P. Gardener), (London, 1985), 88. In add-
    ition, the only known portrait of Richard Mayle Whichelo (see Figure 2) was included in the
    personal papers of E. M. Forster held in the King’s College Archive at the University of
    Cambridge. On the back of the portrait is a handwritten note: ‘Richard Mayle Whichelo,
    R.N., b. 1783 d. 1858. Served on board HMS Britannia in Battle of Trafalgar, HMS
    Blenheim in China and HMS Victory at Portsmouth’.
28. Robert Holden MacKenzie, The Trafalgar Roll: Containing the Names and Services of all
    Officers of the Royal Navy and the Royal Marines who Participated in the Glorious
    Victory of the 21st October 1805, together with a History of the Ships engaged in the
    Battle (London, 1913), 44–5.
29. Public Ledger and Daily Advertiser, 7 February 1822.
30. Charles Bateson, The Convict Ships, 1787–1868 (Sydney, 1983), 360–1, 386.
31. National Archives, 1835–1836 Seaman’s Lists, BT 120, Nos. 10133, 10134, 10135.
32. ‘Beatrice, Whichelo for Civito Vecchia’, Liverpool Albion, 28 November 1837.
Nielsen                                                                                     321

1838,33 spending only a short time in port before leaving again for Alexandria, where she
arrived in March 1838,34 a little over a month after the British Museum’s board of trustees
had accepted the sarcophagus and authorized the payment for its transport to Alexandria.
There is no direct documentary evidence to illuminate under what circumstances Captain
Whichelo was approached to organize the transport of the sarcophagus from Alexandria to
Liverpool. It is likely that it was organized either directly by Patrick Campbell or, alterna-
tively, by his representative in Alexandria, Charles Sloane. Even though no record exists
to directly evidence it, it is, however, likely that Campbell or one of his representatives
paid some additional money to Captain Whichelo in order to guarantee that his ship
remain in Alexandria awaiting the arrival of the sarcophagus coming overland from Giza.
The Beatrice remained in the port throughout the spring and summer of 1838 – a far
longer period of time than the ship and crew had spent in the city on previous journeys.35
    The crew of the Beatrice on its final voyage from Alexandria is not known. The last
full crew list of the Beatrice to survive does so in the National Archives of Malta.36 These
records show that the Beatrice arrived in the port of Valetta on 30 March 1836 and, on
this voyage, her crew comprised a total of 13 men: her master, Richard M. Whichelo
(aged 49 at the time); the first mate and captain’s son, John R. Whichelo (aged 22);
the sailors Thomas Goodwin (21), William Thompson (24), William Fenah (22),
Richard Baker (23), Spencer Williamson (25), John Clark (20), John Williams (24)
and William Gittan (30); and the ship’s youngest crew member, whose surname is
unclear in the records but whose first name was Neil, aged 17. In addition, there were
two further crew members whose names are sadly illegible due to the state of the
records (Figure 3).

The sinking of the Beatrice and the aftermath
The return voyage of the Beatrice from Alexandria to Liverpool via Malta was unusual
not just because of the cargo it carried – an Old Kingdom royal sarcophagus destined for
the British Museum. It was also unusual because the Beatrice did not sail under the
command of her usual captain. For unknown reasons, Richard Mayle Whichelo had
remained behind in Alexandria when the Beatrice left on 20 September 1838. Possibly
he had become ill or he was simply delayed on other business. The command of the
ship fell to her first mate, Whichelo’s son, John.

33. ‘Civito Vecchia, Beatrice, Whichelo [arrived from] Liverpool’, Lloyd’s List, 18 January 1838.
34. ‘Beatrice, Whichelo, hence at Alexandria’, Liverpool Albion, 19 March 1838.
35. For instance, in 1834–1835, the Beatrice arrived in Alexandria on 23 November 1834
    (Lloyd’s List, 13 January 1835), leaving again for Malta by early February 1835
    (Lancaster Gazette, 18 April 1835), for a total stay of around two-and-a-half months. In
    1837, the Beatrice arrived in Alexandria on 16 January (Liverpool Albion, 23 January
    1837), leaving again in late February 1837 (Liverpool Standard and General Commercial
    Advertiser, 28 April 1837), for a duration of less than two months. By contrast, in 1838,
    the Beatrice remained in Alexandria from 19 March to 20 September, for a total duration
    of around six months.
36. ‘Register of Arrivals in the Great Harbour of La Valetta’, National Archives of Malta,
    Valletta, NAM CUS 18 K40 (1836), fol. 2533.
322                                                International Journal of Maritime History 36(2)




Figure 3. ‘Register of Arrivals in the Great Harbour of La Valetta’.
Source. National Archives of Malta, Valletta, NAM CUS 18 K40 (1836), fol. 2533.


   Captain Whichelo himself left Alexandria some days after the departure of the
Beatrice on board the steamship Blazer, and is recorded as arriving in Malta on 14
October 1838 in the Maltese newspaper Il Mediterraneo (Figure 4).37 The same news-
paper article also records the Beatrice, captained by F. R. Whichelo (most likely a mis-
print of J. R. Whichelo), departing Malta on 13 October 1838. This is curious, as the
otherwise extensive and detailed customs records produced by the harbour master in
Valetta do not record either the arrival or the departure of the Beatrice in 1838. This sug-
gests that either the customs records are incomplete or the reporter gathered this shipping
information by simply asking the arriving passengers in the port. This may, then, reflect
the arrangement as Richard Mayle Whichelo understood it – that the Beatrice was to wait
for him in Malta and leave the port for Liverpool if he had not arrived by 13 October –
rather than the reality of the situation, which leaves open the possibility that the Beatrice
sank even before reaching her first port of call in Malta.
   By the New Year, Whichelo – who had by that time arrived in Liverpool – and his
family, as well as the families of the sailors on board the Beatrice, must have begun to

37. National Library of Malta, Valletta, Il Mediterraneo: Gazzetta di Malta, 17 October 1838.
    The article ‘Partenze Mercantili’ records ‘Major H. D. Robertson, E. I. C., Lt. W. Purver,
    E. I. C., Mr. C. Poulain, Mr. I. Sindry, Mr. G. Adam, Capt. and Mrs. Adam, Mr. R. M.
    Whichelo, Sig. F. Pulis, Signora M. A. Radmili, [and] Col Vap. Francese’ as passengers
    on the Blazer, who arrived in Valetta on 14 October 1838. See also Boughton, ‘The Lost
    Sarcophagus’, 22–3.
Nielsen                                                                               323




Figure 4. Il Mediterraneo: Gazzetta di Malta, 17 October 1838.
Source. National Library of Malta, Valletta.


suspect that some terrible accident had occurred. Official confirmation of the sinking of
the Beatrice with all hands would not come until 5 February 1839, when the Liverpool
Albion curtly reported: ‘Beatrice, Whichelo, for this port, which sailed from
Alexandria Sept. 20 and from Malta Oct. 13, has not since been heard of’.
   The loss of the Beatrice also meant the loss of the sarcophagus of Menkaure.
Fortunately, from the point of view of the British Museum’s trustees, their expense of
£150 for its transport had been insured and, during a meeting of the standing committee
of the board of trustees on 29 June 1839, it was recorded that the secretary of the board
had received a cheque for £148 from the shipping agents Francis & Co., ‘being the net
amount of the insurance on the sarcophagus lost in the Beatrice’.38
   The discovery and transport of the sarcophagus of Menkaure in 1837–1838 highlights
the degree to which the export of pharaonic artefacts from Egypt during the first half of
the nineteenth century was conducted not only by archaeologists, but also by an intricate
network of private and state actors, including representatives and trustees of the British
Museum, the foreign secretary and the consular network in Egypt, represented in this
instance by Patrick Campbell, who also played a double role as the initial sponsor of

38. British Museum, ‘Board of Trustees Standing Committee’, vol. 17 (1839), 5125.
324                                              International Journal of Maritime History 36(2)

the excavations that unearthed the sarcophagus. The final group of individuals involved
were the private shipping actors – both the shipping agents of the British Museum,
Francis & Co., and primarily the shipowner and captain, Richard Mayle Whichelo.
    This system of private and state actors working together to export antiquities from
Egypt would continue throughout the nineteenth century and become even more forma-
lized after the British invasion of Egypt and the establishment of the British protectorate
in Egypt in 1882. These political developments would directly pave the way for the estab-
lishment of the Egypt Exploration Fund (later Egypt Exploration Society) and the exca-
vations, notably, of Flinders Petrie throughout Egypt, which would, in turn, lead to the
wholesale furnishing of hundreds of thousands of ancient Egyptian artefacts to
museums throughout the United Kingdom, Europe and the United States.

Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank the following people for their assistance with providing access to
relevant archival material related to Vyse’s excavations and the Beatrice: Melvin Caruana
(National Archives of Malta), Jeremy Debono (National Library of Malta), Tom Davies (King’s
College Archives), Peter Williams and Francesca Hillier (British Museum Archives), and Sally
Mason (Buckinghamshire Archives). The author would also like to thank Hamada Hussein
(University of Sadat City) for his comments on earlier drafts of the article.

Declaration of conflicting interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or
publication of this article.

Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this
article.

ORCID iD
Nicky Nielsen      https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1764-510X

Author biography
Nicky Nielsen is a Senior Lecturer in Egyptology at the University of Manchester. His research
focuses on material culture of the New Kingdom and Late Periods as well as the reception of
ancient Egypt and the historical development of Egyptology as a discipline.

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